The documents comprise a memo from Posada, sent sometime in July 1966, using the code name “Pete” to Grover Lythcott – a CIA official whom
Posada directly reported – appealing consent to join the synchronizing junta for four violent exile factions, including an organisation called RECE that was operated by Mas Canosa. “I will give the Company all the intelligence that I can collect,” Posada had pleaded and promised. “I will gain a more solid position between the exiles and, because of that, I will be in a better position in the future to perform a good job for the Company,” he had convincingly added. Other documents reveal that Posada had been briefing CIA on the actions of Mas Canosa on the regular basis since mid 60s. For example, in July 1965, Posada informed CIA that he had finished the circuit for two ten-pound Limpet bombs that were to be used exclusively against USSR and Cuban ships that were temporarily stationed in the Mexican port of Veracruz. The bombs constituted of some eight pounds of Pentolite explosives each and a pencil detonator. The operation was planned by Mas Canosa.
In another document, this also a memo, Grover Lythcott went all out to shower praises on Posada by calling him as “not a typical ‘boom and bang’ type of individual” who was “acutely aware of the international implications of ill planned or over enthusiastic activities against Cuba.” It also included a reference to the CIA personnel record that suggested, among other things, that Posada will turn out to be “excellent for use in responsible civil position in PBRUMEN”– a code name for Cuba – “should the present government fall.” And if that was not enough, other documents also reveal that CIA had paid Posada on regular basis for his service. When CIA no more required his services, he was asked to work on honorary basis and was offered a lump sum payment for his services.
“The papers illustrate Posada has a long record of trying to curry favour himself with the CIA,” says Peter Kornbluh, an expert with the Archive who deals with operations targeted towards Cuba in general and Fidel Castro in particular. “Posada possibly was trying to buy himself a level of shield as he affianced in a vocation of terrorism.”
Both CIA and FBI minutes recognise Posada as an architect of the bombing of Cubana flight that killed all 73 passengers and crew on October 6, 1976. Furthermore, Posada has overtly confessed ties to a sequence of hotel bombings in Cuba in 1997.
Ironically, he is presently living without restraint in Miami awaiting trial in a Texan court for, surprise! surprise!, how he managed to enter American territory illegally. CIA still holds lots of information on Posada and other aggressive Cuban exile groups that it solicited during the Cold War. Further revelations can raise curtain on that mystery too.
Posada directly reported – appealing consent to join the synchronizing junta for four violent exile factions, including an organisation called RECE that was operated by Mas Canosa. “I will give the Company all the intelligence that I can collect,” Posada had pleaded and promised. “I will gain a more solid position between the exiles and, because of that, I will be in a better position in the future to perform a good job for the Company,” he had convincingly added. Other documents reveal that Posada had been briefing CIA on the actions of Mas Canosa on the regular basis since mid 60s. For example, in July 1965, Posada informed CIA that he had finished the circuit for two ten-pound Limpet bombs that were to be used exclusively against USSR and Cuban ships that were temporarily stationed in the Mexican port of Veracruz. The bombs constituted of some eight pounds of Pentolite explosives each and a pencil detonator. The operation was planned by Mas Canosa.In another document, this also a memo, Grover Lythcott went all out to shower praises on Posada by calling him as “not a typical ‘boom and bang’ type of individual” who was “acutely aware of the international implications of ill planned or over enthusiastic activities against Cuba.” It also included a reference to the CIA personnel record that suggested, among other things, that Posada will turn out to be “excellent for use in responsible civil position in PBRUMEN”– a code name for Cuba – “should the present government fall.” And if that was not enough, other documents also reveal that CIA had paid Posada on regular basis for his service. When CIA no more required his services, he was asked to work on honorary basis and was offered a lump sum payment for his services.
“The papers illustrate Posada has a long record of trying to curry favour himself with the CIA,” says Peter Kornbluh, an expert with the Archive who deals with operations targeted towards Cuba in general and Fidel Castro in particular. “Posada possibly was trying to buy himself a level of shield as he affianced in a vocation of terrorism.”
Both CIA and FBI minutes recognise Posada as an architect of the bombing of Cubana flight that killed all 73 passengers and crew on October 6, 1976. Furthermore, Posada has overtly confessed ties to a sequence of hotel bombings in Cuba in 1997.
Ironically, he is presently living without restraint in Miami awaiting trial in a Texan court for, surprise! surprise!, how he managed to enter American territory illegally. CIA still holds lots of information on Posada and other aggressive Cuban exile groups that it solicited during the Cold War. Further revelations can raise curtain on that mystery too.
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